The Matrix of Attachment: Immigrant Integration and Transnationalism

Immigrants typically have attachments in two directions: to the country in which they live, and to their country of origin. These attachments are often discussed in terms of integration and transnationalism, respectively. A new conceptual framework, which we call the matrix of attachment, enables us to examine immigrant integra-tion and transnationalism simultaneously. This perspective, we argue, can inspire more nuanced analyses and policy development. We use this framework to analyze variations in attachment among immigrants in Norway.

PHOTO:”Arrival” by Craig Berry. CC 2.0

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On becoming Norwegian

Photo: Rojan Tordhol Ezzati

In May 2015, one of Norway’s leading daily newspapers, Aftenposten, launched a series of profiles titled #JegErNorsk (#IAmNorwegian). One is of Slavomir, who has made his everyday life easier by changing his name to Stian. Another is of Tara, who feels at her least Norwegian on Norway’s national day, when – with her immigrant background and lack of the traditional Norwegian costume – she senses that other people do not see her as Norwegian. Finally there is Aon, who is frustrated about depictions in the Norwegian media of immigrants and Muslims.

Each of these young people, in his or her own way, addresses the issue of what it takes to gain acceptance. Given their immigrant backgrounds, this involves asking what it means to be Norwegian, and whether it is possible to become Norwegian.

Throughout Europe, national identity is now central to public debates on immigration and integration. As these debates show, dealing with increasing societal diversity has become a highly politicized issue, where concerns about security and migration are often conflated. Norway is a case in point. In this blog post we discuss national identity by looking at various factors that may suggest inclusion – or exclusion.

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Can Afghans Reintegrate after Assisted Return from Europe?

Governments present the assisted return of rejected asylum seekers and other ‘unwanted’ migrants as the cornerstone of an effective migration management policy. However, it is also a practice criticised by migrants’ rights advocates for being a form of coerced, rather than voluntary, return. One response to critiques is to highlight the potential such programmes have in the successful reintegration of returnees.

Housing extends up the hillsides on the outskirts of Kabul. Finding accommodation is among the challenges faced by returnees to Afghanistan. (Photo: Carol Mitchell, Flickr.)

But what is meant by ‘successful’ reintegration? Based on research in Afghanistan with returnees from Norway and the United Kingdom, we highlight the extreme difficulties faced in achieving reintegration.

  • Most Afghan research participants did not want to return to Afghanistan; although those with secure residence status in Europe were willing to visit.
  • Insecurity, lack of livelihood opportunities and distrust of the Afghan government were stated reasons for not returning.
  • The term ‘reintegration’ should be questioned; our research showed that reintegration could be just as complicated as migrant integration.
  • Reintegration is particularly difficult to achieve when returnees did not want to return in the first place.

 

Read more in a recent Policy Brief from the PREMIG project ‘Possibilities and Realities of Return Migration’.

Surprising Trends Uncovered in New Homicide Visualization

PRIO is a partner in a new global homicide monitor that has just been published. Hosted by the  Igarapé Institute in Brazil, the monitor presents counts and estimates of global homicide over the period 2000-2014 and is intended to provoke reflection and stimulate debate. The Monitor reports 437,000 homicides in 2012, the last year for which global estimates are available. A small number of countries account for a disproportionately large share of the global burden of homicide. For example, it is estimated that 2 out of every 5 people murdered around the world live in Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Venezuela or South Africa.

The Homicide Monitor can be found here: http://homicide.igarape.org.br/. It is based upon technology developed by Google in conjunction with PRIO and the Igarapé Institute  for the Mapping Arms Data project that is hosted by PRIO and which visualizes the trade in small arms and their ammunition.

The Homicide Monitor interface panel. Photo: Screengrab

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This Week in South Sudan – Week 20

Tuesday 12 May Members of Parliament passed the 2015 NGO bill that will regulate, monitor and require a new registration for NGOs within 3 months. A NGO umbrella group says the bill can lead to a humanitarian catastrophe. SPLA and SPLA (IO) fought over the control of Mayiandit county headquarters in Unity state. Wednesday 13… Read more »

The Buddhist Face of Peace: Buddhist Peace Initiatives in Times of Religious Intolerance

Buddhist radicalism is on the rise in countries like Myanmar and Sri Lanka. Buddhist anti-Muslim rhetoric, violence against Muslim minorities and hate speech against UN officials are now global media sensations. Less known is the growing number of religious peace initiatives, by both Muslims and Buddhists, to address the situation. Recently, practitioners and scholars met in Bangkok to discuss ways forward.

Buddhist and Muslim religious leaders at inter-religious peace meeting in Kandy, Sri Lanka. Photo: Susan Hayward

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The Victory of Mustafa Akıncı in Northern Cyprus gives Hope to Turkish Cypriots of a Better Future

Northern Cyprus held the second round of its presidential election on 26 April, with Mustafa Akıncı defeating the incumbent President, Derviş Eroğlu. Rebecca Bryant writes on what the result of the election might mean for the people of northern Cyprus and future negotiations with the Greek Cypriot-controlled Republic of Cyprus. She notes that while Akıncı’s victory has been met with euphoria on both sides of the island, all indications are that he will not only work toward a federation, but will also seek to defend the interests of Turkish Cypriots.

Turkish flag alongside the flag of the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. Credit: Nick Leonard (CC-BY-SA-3.0)

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What Would Have Been New about Bombing Migrant Boats?

GUE/NGL (flickr)The European Union has made it clear that bombs were not part of the plan for war against people smuggling after all. “No one is thinking of bombing,” said Federica Mogherini, EU foreign policy chief, yesterday. The alleged plans for bombing had already caused widespread alarm and protest.

But what would have been new about bombing the boats that might have  ferried migrants and refugees across the Mediterranean? On the one hand, such action would have been unprecedented and dramatic — the ultimate militarization of migration control.

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After the swaggering celebrations, a “Now what?” moment for Russia

Chinese troops marching on the Red Square.

The extraordinary pomp around the celebration of the V-Day made it possible for Putin to sustain the momentum of mobilization created by last year’s Crimean anschluss. Now that the fanfare and fireworks have fallen silent, this momentum may dissipate—and Putin, who has made himself into the central figure in militarized festivities, can ill afford such a slackening of “patriotic” fervor. The heavy emphasis on the decisive and glorious victory won by the “grandfathers” sits poorly with the evasive and ambivalent discourse on the on-going war with “brotherly” Ukraine. For the aggressively “patriotic” propaganda, it is hard to explain the point of demonstrating all the tanks and missiles, if there is no intention to use them for achieving another great victory for Russia. Reckoning with reality is not an option for Putin, but the stock of other useful “national projects” is quite exhausted.

This is the final passage from the article in Eurasia Daily Monitor, May 11.

This Week in South Sudan – May 1-11

Friday 1 May The South Sudanese government accepted the involvement of the Troika countries in the IGAD + negotiations. The SPLA claimed they have regained control of rebel-held areas in Nhial Diu Payam, south-west of Unity state’s capital, Bentiu. The SPLA (IO) dismissed the claims, saying they tactically withdrew from some areas to avoid harming the civil population. Saturday 2 May… Read more »