It was an unprecedented and historic moment that unfolded in Bangladesh on 5 August 2024 when Prime Minister Sheik Hasina hastily fled the country in a military helicopter.
Protesters continue their demonstration for the abolition of the quota system in government jobs, on August 05, 2024 in Barishal, Bangladesh. Photo: Niamul Rifat/Anadolu via Getty Images
The protesters had demonstrated in the streets for several weeks, and that moment marked a ‘second independence’. This was not an independence from a foreign country or an external body. This was a liberation from the increasingly suffocating iron fist of Sheikh Hasina’s regime.
Can a democratic society now re-emerge from this totalitarian regime?
Liberation from the Iron Fist
Sheik Hasina first came to power in a democratic election in 1996 and then again in 2009. Bangladesh had a unique system of caretaker governments to conduct free and fair elections.
Due to the toxic partisan rivalry between the Hasina’s Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), there was a belief that a fair election could not be arranged by any ruling government.
Ironically, Hasina’s party, which had fought for the restoration of the caretaker government system, abolished this tested system in 2011. Her regime manipulated the parliament and judiciary to ensure the continuation of its power, placing blindly loyal individuals in all administrative and law enforcement agencies. The opposing political parties were met with brutality and violence. The notorious Digital Security Act was installed to suppress basic human rights and the right to free speech.
A Civilian Uprising
The July 2024 uprising began in response to the High Court of Bangladesh reinstating a 30% job quota for descendants of freedom fighters from the Liberation War that in 1971 led to the Independence of Bangladesh from Pakistan in the wake of a brutal massacre.
After massive protests in 2018 from students who felt discriminated by this scheme, the then outdated quota system was reformed. However, the unjust quota system was now restored following a written petition by relatives of war veterans.
As university students began protesting against the restoration of the quota system, the government used its student wing, the Chatra League, to crack down on these protests. The Chatra League brutally harassed and threatened the Quota reform movement activists. This sparked outrage among students of all levels; even school children took to the streets to voice their opposition to government brutality.
The Quota reform movement quickly evolved into a broader demand for the prime minister’s resignation, and for the first time, people dared to openly criticize the government. Frustration and anger with high unemployment rates among graduates, soaring inflation and price hikes, rising inequality, a plunder economy, corruption, and the politicization of almost every institution including the judiciary, election commission, media, and law enforcement had towered over the years. There were also many incidents of gross violations of human rights, silencing of free speech and dissent, enforced disappearances, and arbitrary detentions, particularly against those who opposed Hasina and her increasingly totalitarian regime.
Hasina responded by playing all of her old nationalist cards, framing her opponents as enemies of the nation and as traitors (razakar). However, the old playbook had no effect on this new generation of protesters.
A New Movement
The uprising, primarily initiated and led by a young generation of students from universities (popularly called Gen-Z) under the banner of ‘Students Movement Against Discrimination’, was unimpressed by old narratives from the 1970s. This movement also received active involvement from likeminded professionals including university teachers, lawyers, and journalists.
While the government’s crackdown on the movement resulted in a significant number of deaths, this could not stop the energy from this new coalition.
The Fall of an Autocrat
Citizen journalism and social media platforms played a crucial role in uniting the youth of the nation. The situation escalated when the police, following government orders, opened fire on innocent youth.
The government also imposed a curfew with a shoot-on-sight order and blocked the internet and communication services. The streets of Bangladesh were stained with the blood of students. Hundreds of students and civilians were killed, and many thousands were injured. Video footage of police actions spread online, igniting widespread outrage.
People from all walks of life began showing solidarity with the students. This movement was not just about quota reform; it became a platform for the masses to express their long-suppressed voices.
As the movement grew, students called for a march towards Dhaka on August 5, leading to the prime minister’s resignation and flight from the country.
What is Next for Bangladesh?
So, what are the challenges ahead?
The Army Chief of the country has declared the formation of an interim government that shall conduct a free and fair general election.
During the Army Chief’s initial consultation, he invited political party leaders, including those from Jamaat-e-Islam and BNP, but notably not Hasina’s Awami League. Many uncertainties remain as the president of the country dissolved the parliament on 6 August and named Nobel laureate Professor Yunus to be the head of the interim government. The latter move is in line with the demands form the protest movement coordinators.
We will argue that the interim government must first and foremost consult with the students and coordinators of the protest movement. Non-partisan professionals should also be included as members of the government, including those who were directly involved with the movement. To keep the interim government non-partisan, care must be taken not to select anyone from the major political parties.
Up until now, the spirit of the participants of the movement and the people has been a resounding ‘No’ to a military-backed government, as the Bangladeshi people have had bitter experiences with military rule in the past.
The second major challenge is to restore law and order, as there has been significant destruction of public property and attacks on minorities, including Hindus.
Thirdly, Sheikh Hasina has secured her own and her family members’ safety by fleeing the country, but she has left many leaders and workers of her party in danger and tarnished the spirit of the Liberation War. Yet, measures need to be taken to ensure that she and her associates are brought to justice for killing many innocent students during the uprising as well as corruption and torture.
Fourthly, the interim government must come up with a work plan to ensure the independence of the judiciary, election commission and other institutions before a free and fair election is conducted.
It is crucial that the interim government must steer the country back towards democracy and peace. A just, equal and free Bangladesh must be achieved. If not, history might repeat itself.
The authors
Mohammad Musfequs Salehin is an Associate Professor at the University of Tromsø and a Senior Researcher at the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO)
Marte Nilsen is a Senior Researcher at the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO)