With only days to go before legislative elections in Turkey on Sunday, 7 June, the political uncertainty of its possible outcomes are filling newspaper columns. This is a change from the past two elections where a victory for the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) was almost a foregone conclusion.
Justice and Development Party (AKP) electoral rally in Ümraniye, İstanbul, for the 2015 Turkish general election. Photo: Nube Cake, via Wikipedia
Monday 25 May The South Sudanese government said it welcomed IGAD’s appointment of Sudan’s president Bashir as the new leader of the IGAD peace negotiations. The SPLA announced that its forces had regained control of Malakal, the capital of Upper Nile state, more than one week after the SPLA (IO) captured it. An advance team of… Read more »
Wednesday 20 May The SPLA (IO) tactically withdrew from Melut, Upper Nile state “in order to reorganize for next move.” According to a communique following the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGL), the regional leaders rejected the direct participation of the Troika (US, UK and Norway) in the IGAD process, and the UN’s… Read more »
Your right to know is cancelled.
These attempts at curtailing the flow of information and persecuting the disseminators of politically undesirable news (including bloggers) might appear old-fashioned and inspired by Soviet-era KGB practices, which are held dear by Putin and his henchmen. They are, nevertheless, more effective than the spread of Internet-based social networks would suggest—and not only due to the impact of their vicious propaganda but also because the mass production of “patriotic” illusions has left many people disoriented and averse to facts and figures that puncture these illusions and leave them with feelings of foreboding disaster. The Kremlin exploits this disorientation and presents its curtailing of Russians’ access to public information as a response to social “demand.” But in orchestrating the stigmatization of dissidents, who persist in digging up the truth about Russia’s decay and corruption, the Kremlin becomes a consumer of its own propaganda. Living the lie of Putinism, Russia may appear strong and determined to defy the allegedly hostile West, but the falsity of this unity is revealed by the population’s indifferent acceptance of the supreme decision to deny honor to the country’s fallen soldiers.
The full text of the article is in Eurasia Daily Monitor, June 1.
International Air Force exercises Arctic Challenge 2015 are going on in the High North with Norway as the lead nation and 9 states (including, remarkably, Switzerland) participating with squadrons of various jet fighters (as well as NATO AWACS E3 planes). Russia found it necessary to respond with snap military exercises of its own, engaging not only… Read more »
The EU’s response to the increased flow of refugees crossing the Mediterranean has been to boost border security by means of Operation Triton, which is the responsibility of Frontex, the EU border agency. There is little one can do, however, to impose effective border controls at sea. Operation Triton does not have a search-and-rescue mandate, even though it is for search-and-rescue that surveillance has the greatest potential to play a positive role. In the fear that search-and-rescue capacity would make it slightly easier for boat refugees to reach Europe, border surveillance operations are being promoted as a more “effective” response.
Photo: UNHCR
The debates of recent weeks have made it clear that there is a need to address not only the situations in the countries that people are fleeing from, but also Europe’s immigration and asylum policies in general. The border surveillance operations and border controls conducted at sea are the means by which Europe’s border guards implement these policies and laws, and accordingly their limitations should also be debated. In many ways, it is at Europe’s external borders that the true heart of the conflict lies, since these are the borders that migrants wish to cross at any price, and that the border guards are tasked with “protecting”.Read More
Photo source: New Vision-Uganda, www.newvision.co.ug The Government of Ugandan deployed the Ugandan People’s Defense Forces (UPDF) in South Sudan shortly after the outbreak of the third civil war on 15 December 2013. The intervention was instrumental in hindering further escalation of violence during the first weeks of the conflict, but now critical voices in Uganda… Read more »
Immigrants typically have attachments in two directions: to the country in which they live, and to their country of origin. These attachments are often discussed in terms of integration and transnationalism, respectively. A new conceptual framework, which we call the matrix of attachment, enables us to examine immigrant integra-tion and transnationalism simultaneously. This perspective, we argue, can inspire more nuanced analyses and policy development. We use this framework to analyze variations in attachment among immigrants in Norway.
PHOTO:”Arrival” by Craig Berry. CC 2.0
Photo: Rojan Tordhol Ezzati
In May 2015, one of Norway’s leading daily newspapers, Aftenposten, launched a series of profiles titled #JegErNorsk (#IAmNorwegian). One is of Slavomir, who has made his everyday life easier by changing his name to Stian. Another is of Tara, who feels at her least Norwegian on Norway’s national day, when – with her immigrant background and lack of the traditional Norwegian costume – she senses that other people do not see her as Norwegian. Finally there is Aon, who is frustrated about depictions in the Norwegian media of immigrants and Muslims.
Each of these young people, in his or her own way, addresses the issue of what it takes to gain acceptance. Given their immigrant backgrounds, this involves asking what it means to be Norwegian, and whether it is possible to become Norwegian.
Throughout Europe, national identity is now central to public debates on immigration and integration. As these debates show, dealing with increasing societal diversity has become a highly politicized issue, where concerns about security and migration are often conflated. Norway is a case in point. In this blog post we discuss national identity by looking at various factors that may suggest inclusion – or exclusion.
Governments present the assisted return of rejected asylum seekers and other ‘unwanted’ migrants as the cornerstone of an effective migration management policy. However, it is also a practice criticised by migrants’ rights advocates for being a form of coerced, rather than voluntary, return. One response to critiques is to highlight the potential such programmes have in the successful reintegration of returnees.
Housing extends up the hillsides on the outskirts of Kabul. Finding accommodation is among the challenges faced by returnees to Afghanistan. (Photo: Carol Mitchell, Flickr.)
But what is meant by ‘successful’ reintegration? Based on research in Afghanistan with returnees from Norway and the United Kingdom, we highlight the extreme difficulties faced in achieving reintegration.
Read more in a recent Policy Brief from the PREMIG project ‘Possibilities and Realities of Return Migration’.